this is personal blog and would like to share to our comrades who are fighting Burmese military dictatorship fail.
KAWTHOOLEI means " land without evils "
Kurt M. Campbell Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Washington, DC
September 28, 2009
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
To.
ENC Advisors
Members of the Presidium
Members of the Secretariat
5th October 2009
Subject: Letter to Senator Webb
1. I have had no prior knowledge of the letter by ENC General Secretary to Senator Webb
dated 29th October 2009.
2. ENC’s constitution stipulates that the Presidium is responsible for political leadership,
while the Secretariat is responsible for the daily running of the ENC office.
3. ENC has made it clear that it does not accept both the SPDC’s 2008 constitution and its
2010 elections. It has already adopted a position that it will not oppose or attack ethnic
organizations and individuals wanting to contest the elections, or the people who will vote in
the elections.
4. This is, therefore, to let all know that the letter to Senator Webb is not the position of ENC,
and that the matter must be thoroughly discussed and decided on in the coming ENC’s
quarterly meeting.
P. O. Box – 49, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, 50202, THAILAND
Email: , Website: http://www.encburma .org
Date: 28th September, 2009
Dear Senator Webb,
Thank you for initiating a hearing on the impact and effectiveness of U.S. policy toward Burma. We are especially encouraged by your intention to examine how Burma’s long history of internal turmoil and ethnic conflicts has affected the development of democracy. This issue is, we believe, the key to building a sustainable democracy in Burma.
The Burmese military first seized power in 1962 precisely because it did not agree with the manner in which it was proposed that the ethnic conflicts be ended. At that time, the democratically- elected government of U Nu had agreed to the demand of the ethnic states to amend the constitution. They wanted a federal system of government instead of a centralized one.
It is the view of the Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC) that democracy cannot flourish in Burma without resolving the question of how its constituent states relate to each other and to the national government. The military, democracy advocates and the ethnic nationalities need to agree on their vision for a future Burma. If this question is not resolved, the conflicts will continue and the development of democracy in Burma will be seriously hindered.
For the past twenty years, the conversation on US policy has been dominated by the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the 1990 elections. While these are crucial matters, the equally important issue that lies at the heart of Burma’s problem, has been largely ignored. The complex problem of governing one of the most ethnically diverse countries in the world needs to be addressed.
The ethnic nationalities together make up 30-40% of the total population of Burma. The seven ethnic states bordering Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand make up 60% of the national territory. Many of the ethnic nationalities can also be found in large numbers in at least five of the seven administrative divisions of Burma. Furthermore, their close cousins can also be found numbering tens of millions across the borders in all the neighbouring countries.
While military rule in lowland Burma is not conspicuous, the Burma Army in the ethnic states is an army of occupation. It controls the cities, towns and highways. In the contested highlands, it wages a war of terror against civilia ns in order to deny ethnic forces food, recruits, information and communication routes. This “Four Cuts” strategy has displaced at least a million villagers and sent hundreds of thousands of refugees and migrant workers into neighbouring countries.
Beginning in 1989, many of the ethnic groups agreed to ceasefires with the Burmese military in the hope of finding a political solution. But no political negotiations have taken place in the ensuing 20 years. And in spite of the ceasefire groups’ participation in the military’s National Convention, none of the constitutional recommendations made by the ethnic nationalities was accepted.
Today, ethnic-based parties that won parliamentary seats in the 1990 elections are in danger of being marginalized. Military operations against civilians in contested areas in the ethnic states have increased to reduce resistance to the 2010 elections. Ethnic ceasefire groups are also being threatened with military action unless they agree to come under the control of the Burmese military and agree to participate in elections that will legitimize military rule in Burma.
In principle, the ethnic nationalities cannot accept the military’s 2008 Constitution because it is not democratic. Furthermore, it is hegemonic in nature and provides for a centralized top-down system of government. The 2010 elections will also not lead to a democracy.
Howeve r, the citizens of Burma have no choice. They will at the very least be forced to cast their votes. If there are no opposition parties, the military’s candidates will win by default. This is especially true in ethnic areas. The military (and the majority ethnic ‘Burman’) candidates will then become the “elected representatives” of the seven ethnic states. An added complication is that if the ethnic groups with ceasefires do not participate in the election, they will have to revert to armed struggle. We do not believe that armed struggle is the solution.
The ENC’s short-term policy is to support eligible ethnic groups in running for office in the 2010 elections. The aim is to ensure that –
1) The ethnic nationalities have a voice in Burma’s national politics;
2) The ethnic nationalities can participate in a meaningful, though limited, way in the governance and development of their homelands;
3) Democracy is promoted by encouraging the population to participate in the democratic process of periodically choosing whom they want as leaders;
4) The new elected government promotes the rule of law and becomes more transparent and accountable to the people of Burma.
While the Burmese military will remain in control after the 2010 elections, it is our hope that representatives elected by the people will be able to help hold the military accountable to their own constitution. It is=2 0also our hope that the new government will be more open to negotiating a political solution with the ethnic groups that are still engaged in armed struggle.
The ENC’s long-term policy is to continue to develop a robust civil society that will be capable of holding an elected government accountable to the people.
Consequently, we believe that the United States can best help by:
A. Not condemning the 2010 elections before they are held, but instead calling for a more inclusive election process that will be free and fair. Electoral assistance can be offered either directly or indirectly through neighbouring countries;
B. Providing assistance (overt and covert/ inside the country and cross-border) to existing civil society organizations to promote civic education in preparation for the elections. We specifically urge the United States to provide assistance to existing local organizations that are:
· Educating potential political candidates about how to run for office and how to govern democratically,
· Educating citizens about their rights, and · Preparing local organizations to monitor the upcoming elections.
C. Retaining targeted sanctions against members of the current regime and their families.
D. Increasing humanitarian assistance to Burma, not only for Cyclone Nargis recovery, but also for poverty eradication, public health, education, capacity building for c ivil society and the civil service, and for refugees and internally displaced populations.
Thank you for your efforts on behalf of the people of Burma. Please let us know if we can provide you with any further information about our work or the needs and aspirations of our people.
Yours truly,
Saw David Taw
General Secretary
Ethnic Nationalities Council (Union of Burma)
Karen revolution and the legacy of General Bo Mya
by Daniel Pedersen
Wednesday, 21 January 2009 17:31
The general was tired. He walked with a slow, unsteady gait and heaved sighs as he settled into his chair. General Bo Mya had been fighting against Burma's military in all its forms for more than fifty years when we first met in 2000 and, if anything, he was farther than ever from achieving his goal. A legend in the Karen struggle for self-determination, he bristled with hatred for Burma's military and was visibly frustrated talking about his war. Where could he begin? And what good was talk? He had spent his lifetime at war and during that time talk had generally proven to be but a prelude to some form of treachery or simply a continuation of the status quo. Burma's generals had many times wanted him to lay down his arms. But how could the veteran Karen revolutionary lay down his arms during a war? He could not – for that would mean surrender. On January 20, 2009, on what would have been Bo Mya's 82nd birthday, the sun burned away the morning mist and for an hour or so our surroundings of commercial agricultural flat-lands were revealed. By the time the second choir had completed a Karen folk song, smoke and tropical haze had taken the place of the morning damp. A middle-aged woman lifted her head as the songs ended – eyes moist, perhaps from recollection. Nerdah Mya, General Bo Mya's eldest son, welcomed everyone. "There are, of course, two reasons why we are here today. The first is to remember our late father and all the good things he brought to his family and those around him, and the second is to give thanks for the New Year." "On this family thanksgiving we must all praise the Lord that we are still alive, we wish you all the best – may you find prosperity, happiness and peace of mind in this coming year," offered the son of the fallen hero, who passed in late December, 2006.
Having weathered half a century of conflict, General Bo Mya remained adamant until his death that the military defeat of Burma's generals was possible. It really came down to a matter of beliefs, tactics and hardware.
Of course any assistance in grinding down the generals was greatly appreciated, and he acknowledged that economic sanctions also hurt the generals and, by default, assisted his army. He was also adamant that the illicit trade in drugs, predominantly methamphetamines and heroin, combined with foreign aid, propped up the junta. "They [countries engaging with the junta] are simply killing people. People are dying and the drugs keep coming. The country is poor but the military is not. The country is poor because the SPDC [Burmese Army] refuses to stop fighting. Serious sanctions by the international community can certainly help - already the Burmese have accumulated debts they cannot pay," thundered the now deceased General. Eight years after I first met Bo Mya I found myself sitting opposite his son, Nerdah Mya, in August of last year. He echoed the sentiments of his father, simply iterating, "I am obligated to work for the struggle." "You know my Dad told me when he got really sick: 'All my life I have been calling for my people to fight for their freedom. They have died for it, they have sacrificed for it and you cannot go abroad and escape, you have to stand up and fight.' Otherwise, my Dad said, he would be betraying the people who have fought and died," related Nerdah Mya.
"And I told him 'Yes, I will carry on'," and Nerdah Mya thumped his fist on the table, not for dramatic effect, but rather as an indication of his resolve. "I remember my Dad would go out and get one deer and we would share it with all the households, we would share with everybody," continued Nerdah Mya. "And I respect those strong family ties among the Karen people. It is good to preserve this kind of culture and loving one another." Tuesday's memorial found more than 150 people gathered to reflect on the year past and to give thanks for the coming New Year, the Karen year of 2748. Every single person in attendance wanted the war to take its place in the dustbin of history. But less than an hour's drive from where we gathered, between 300 and 400 men – three Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) battalions and one Burmese Army battalion, had 100 Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) soldiers surrounded at Wah Lay Kee, base camp of the Sixth Brigade's 201st battalion.
Meanwhile, the KNLA 101st battalion, consisting of about 160 soldiers and seven nurses, to the northwest of Mae La refugee camp, is involved in fighting daily. And intense fighting has also broken out in both Shan and Karenni states.
Nerdah Mya bluntly says all this activity is a concerted push to quash insurgents before the 2010 "elections". The generals want calm, according to several observers, so the military and its public relations people can manage a smooth process that will institutionalize military rule through a 'democratic' process. Of solutions to the world's longest-running war, recently-elected Karen National Union Vice-Chairman David Takapaw says, in words reminiscent of the late General, that the only way forward is to defeat the "fascist" Burmese military. "Ever since the military came to power in 1962, the ultimate goal of the military establishment is to set up the fourth Burman empire. Of course in this time and age, only fascists would think of setting up an empire in a multi-ethnic state like Burma," ruminated the Vice-Chairman. "Non-Burman ethnic people will never accept that." "The states don't have any power – any political power, the power to legislate, the power to
adjudicate, the power to manage, executive power, they don't have any of that – all of the power is centralized in the hands of the majority Burman. The ethnic people don't have any rights. They don't have economic rights. They don't have human rights. They don't have any political power. That is why many ethnic people at one time…were fighting against the central government, the Burmans." Takapaw proceeded with his indictment of the current regime: "But that arrangement hasn't changed, the regime in power, now known as the SPDC, has drafted a constitution, held a referendum and confirmed…that non-Burman ethnicities will not have any power."
And did he look to the United States for support in the Karen military campaign to force change in Burma?
"Well, from the United States, maybe. But I think perhaps they do not see much national interest in this case. And the Cold War has ended. In the case of Vietnam of course the Cold War was going on. Geopolitics effects, directly or indirectly, our struggle," summarized the Vice-Chairman.
This year, the late General's birthday falls on the eve of Barack Obama being sworn in as the 44th President of the United States. It is also just one day after Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Trumpet of Conscience Award, which commemorates the late Martin Luther King, Jr. US Campaign for Burma's executive director Aung Din, accepting the award on Suu Kyi's behalf, said he hoped Obama would uphold existing economic sanctions against Burma and lead a strong diplomatic effort to organize the international community to pressure the military junta.
Chief editor at the Jakarta Post, Endy M. Bayuni, writing in The New York Times suggested Obama's four years in Jakarta, from 1967 to 1971, when the country was adjusting to the harsh realities of the Sukarno era, will have served him well
Obama is described as a United States president who has lived under a dictatorship and in a country in which "military control was widespread and . . . students attended indoctrination classes where they would profess their loyalty to the state. Dissent and criticism were not tolerated in public life. There was barely freedom of thought," wrote Bayuni. Yet, while such comparisons are chilling, it would be reckless to see any promise in historical coincidences.
New Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva may well chart a different course for his country vis-à-vis Burma, but it will not involve cutting back on the Kingdom's commitment to three mega-dams planned for Burma's Salween River, nor reviews of natural gas deals with the junta.
Meanwhile, India's politicians are still basking in the success of securing a deal in September of last year to construct two vast hydropower projects on the Chindwin River. Further, without agreement among the permanent five Security Council members, all with the power of veto, the United Nations is crippled when it comes to taking any action. As such, unilateral intervention appears the solitary choice Obama is left with when it comes to a definitive move to liberate Burma.
But back along the Thai-Burma border on Tuesday, as a couple sang a duet in the distance, Nerdah Mya said he hoped Obama might be able to do something, to make a significant contribution to change in Burma, but added, "How much he can do is another question." Asked for a message for the West from the frontlines of the world's longest-running insurgency, Nerdah Mya was blunt, "We must stop the tyranny. We can't just sit and watch. Otherwise more people will die."
In agreement with Nerdah Mya's sentiments is a close friend, Myat Thu, an ethnic Burman and an exile of the 1988 student uprising during which thousands perished and the aftermath of which left thousands more mired in limbo. He too knew General Bo Mya and was among the founders of the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF) along the Thai-Burma border. Bo Mya's army took the ABSDF in and trained them in the discipline of warfare. In the words of one exile, Win Cho: "I started in 1989. At that time I was fighting with the KNU (Karen National Union). You know I have nothing but respect for the KNU, they helped us so
much, until we met them we had nothing, no healthcare, one set of clothes, we had nothing. Win Cho was an ABSDF commander, but plays down such a vote of confidence from his peers. "I was hardly a commander, in those days we were totally dependent on the Karen, we didn't go out on operations by ourselves. We hadn't learned how to survive out there by ourselves at that point," elaborated Win Cho.
Both Myat Thu and Win Cho speak highly of Bo Mya and his no-nonsense, uncompromising attitude towards discipline.
As secretary, Myat Thu is a high ranking officer of the newly-formed 2009 Collective Action Committee, a gathering of representatives from the ethnic nationalities, the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the monkhood, whose aim is to "impede the forthcoming bogus elections of 2010".
The collective's motto is drawn from a senior NLD leader, but could just have easily been uttered by Bo Mya himself: "Seek not to escape from this conflict – but rather to confront it and break through it."
Mutraw District, the Karen National Union (KNU)/5th Brigade, Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)’s View, Determination, and Decision Concerning the Challenges Faced by the Karen People Upon the Burmese Military Regime’s Systematic Attacks in Pa-an District/ 7th Brigade and Aftermath
July 4, 2009
For further information, please contact Major Saw Kler Doh of KNLA 5th Brig. at 66-(0) 81-201-59405th Brigade, KNLA – District and Brigade leadership held an emergency meeting at the Brigade’ Operational Command Center on June 30, 2009 to review recent military offensives by joint forces of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in Pa-an District/7th Brigade, that drove more than 3,000 Karen civilians out of their homes and villages, and ongoing destruction of people’s livelihoods in and outside Karen State inside Burma. After a careful review of such dire circumstances, and recognizing that SPDC has no plan to end such attacks anytime soon, the combined KNLA 5th Brigade and civilian leadership declare that it is prepared to defend the integrity and interests of Karen people at all costs, including militarily.
After the emergency meeting, Mutraw District’s Chairperson Saw Tender shared his view: “We hope that our people will understand our determination to fight against the SPDC’s destructive plans and that they will join hands with us in the fight against such evil.”
Maj. General Baw Kyaw Heh, the Commander of 5th Brigade, further commented: “The problem faced by our people is the problem faced by our nation. We need to think carefully and act decisively.” It must be recognized that the ongoing SPDC’s military offensives against the Karen people are parts and parcels of the broader Burma’s political problems faced by the people of Burma. It is also crucial to recognize that SPDC systematically plans and uses Karen and non-Karen armed groups such as DKBA to loot and destroy our villages, livelihood, and to essentially take complete control over our land. While situations in and around Karen state are critical, such SPDC's military tactics are also prevalent in other ethnic areas of Burma.
As we are resolved to prevent the SPDC from implementing its destructive plots and defend our people to the best of our skills, we call on the international community, particularly our neighboring countries, to stand by the people of Burma in their search for security, freedom and prosperity.
The Karen National Union (KNU) was founded on February 5, 1947 in order to lead the Karen national struggle for justice, equality, and the right to self-determination. The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) has been fighting against the Burmese military regime for over 60 years.
Friday, July 3, 2009
Dear ALL,
I just sharing this article to our Burmese community. It it not a propaganda for anyone neither any organization. Just let you know what is the enemies character and how the enemies doing or did or done with ethnics group. I do not mean to only one ethnic group. It was affect to all other our Burmese people. This is just one of the lesson for our Democratic group!!!! Beware with your enemies.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Burmese military dictatorship must fail!!!!!!! sawdan
ခြဲျခားမႈမရွိေသာမ်ိဳးခ်စ္စိတ္
2009 June တစ္ရက္ေန႔မွစ၍ယေန႔ထိ န အ ဖ ႏွင့္ D K B A တပ္မ်ားပူးေပါင္းၿပီး K N U တပ္မဟာ ( 7 ) အား ဝင္ေရာက္တိုက္ခိုက္ရာတြင္ ဒါဏ္ရာရစစ္သည္မ်ားအား ထိုင္းနယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္မ်ားမွ လူသားျခင္းစာနfမႈျဖင့္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ မဲေဆာက္ေဆးရံုသို႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ K N U ဖက္မွလည္း အေႏွာက္အယွက္ တစ္စံုတစ္ရာ မွ် မျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ပါ ။ မဲေဆာက္ေဆးရံုတြင္ န အ ဖ ႏွင့္ D K B A စစ္သားမ်ားအတြက္လူနာေစာင့္မရွိပါ။ သို႔ေသာ္ လည္း K N U အသိုင္း အဝန္းမွ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ပုဂၢိဳမ်ားသည္ ဒါဏ္ရာရ မိမိစစ္သားမ်ားသာမက D K B A ႏွင့္ န အ ဖ စစ္သားမ်ားကိုပါ ျပဳစုေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္ ။ ဤျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ကို ေတြ႔ျမင္ရေသာ က်မအဖို႔ ေခါင္းထဲမွာအေတြး ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ၊ ခံစားခ်က္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာျဖင့္ေရးသားတင္ျပလိုက္ပါတယ္ ။
မွတ္ခ်က္။ ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ မ်က္ႏွာအိုးမဲအသုတ္ခံရသည့္ D K B A အရာရွိ အရာခံ အၾကပ္တပ္သားမ်ားအား လံုး အမွန္တရားအတြက္ အျမင္မွန္ရဖို႔ အခ်ိန္တန္ၿပီ ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဤေနရာမွ က်မႏိႈးေဆာ္လိုက္ပါတယ္ ။
ကူညီျပဳစုခဲ့သည့္ သက္ေသအေထာက္အထားပံုမ်ား
ဤပံုသည္ ထီးခ်ဖီး (ေခၚ ) ေနာ္ေပၚ ဆိုသူ K N L A တပ္မွ တပ္ရင္းမႈး တဦး၏ ဇနီးသည္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ။
ဒီပံုဟာ D K B A ဗသာၿဖိဳး ႏွင့္ဇနီးျဖစ္သူ နန္းအမီကို ထီးခ်ာဖီး သြားေရာက္အားေပးတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ နန္းအမီက ဤ ကဲ့သို႔ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုထိမွေကာင္းတယ္ ေနာက္ဘယ္ ေတာ့မွသြားလို႔မရေတာ့ဘူး ဒီအလုပ္လုပ္တာက်မ မႀကိဳက္ဘူး။ ကိုယ္အတြက္လည္းအက်ိဳးမရွိ၊ ကိုယ့္အမ်ိဳးသား အတြက္လညး ဘာမွအက်ိဳးမရွိဘူး ဗသာၿဖိဳး သည္ ယၡင္က ေကာ့ညင္းေက်းရြာတြင္ ေက်းရြာကာကြယ္ေရး လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္ ။ 2000 ႏွစ ္K N L A တပ္ရင္း 19 သို႔ကူး ေျပာင္းခဲ့တယ္။ 2004 ခုႏွစ္တြင္ D K B A သို႔ကူးေျပာင္းၿပီး ယေန႔ထိသူလုပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္ ။
OFFICE OF THE SUPREME HEADQUARTERS KAREN NATIONAL UNION KAWTHOOLEI
Address of KNU President Tamlabaw on 60th Anniversary of Karen Revolution
Dear Karen nationals and KNLA officers and men,
On this day of January 31, 2009, which is the 60th anniversary of the Karen people’s war of resistance, I would like to wish all of you to be full of health and cheers. First, I would like to say in honor of you - the KNLA officers, NCOs, the rankers and all the Karen people - that I am proud of your faithful participation in the grand struggle of the revolution. Further, I would like to say that I am proud of and place on record the sacrifices of lives, blood and limbs you have made.
Though the Karen people had lived, from time immemorial, in peace and freedom with the other indigenous nationalities in Burma, they have lost their freedom and rights under the oppression of the chauvinists. For the Karen people to regain their basic rights, the Karen patriotic leaders led a demonstration of the Karen people in towns and cities all over the country, on February 11, 1948. The demonstrators held placards bearing 4 demands, which were - (1) Give Karen country at once; (2) Show at once equality between the Karen and the Burman; (3) We do not want civil war; (4) We do not want racial strife. The AFPFL Party in power not only ignored totally the demands of the Karen people but started military attacks against the Karen civilians and KNU headquarters, in an attempt to wipe out totally the Karen people’s movement by force, and thus, the Karen people had to take up arms in self-defense and start armed resistance.
Though the revolution has been in existence for 60 years, we still have not reached our goal. Since the Karen question is a political one, the farsighted Karen leaders have held dialogue with successive regimes in power on several occasions, but the other side simply insisted on the Karen to capitulate and enter the legal fold. For that reason, there has been no peace and reconciliation. On the other hand, as the regimes in power continue to destroy the Karen people’s hearths and homes and their lands in addition to committing inhuman acts including the crimes of rape of women, we still have to continue our struggle in the battle field. We must continue our resistance war so long as there is armed conflict, so long as there is no negotiation and political settlement, in practice and in agreement with aspirations of the Karen people.
We, the Karen people and members of the KNU, have seen firsthand the heinous attacks by the enemy to destroy the Karen revolution in the past 60 years. The Karen revolution can proudly stand up to this day in spite of such attacks because of the Karen people’s invincible courage, correct patriotic spirit and unshakable belief in the 4 principles of Saw Ba U Gyi.
Holding a rigged referendum in 2008 to deceitfully obtain approval vote for its fraudulent State Constitution, harassing the international donors who came to help victims of Cyclone Nargis and fervently preparing to hold a general election in 2010, are indications that the SPDC military regime is attempting to continue to remain in power, with some semblance of legality. We, the KNU, will always condemn such acts.
In conclusion, I would like to say that the military regime in power, to divide us, will try to sow dissension among the Karen people and the KNU by various deceitful means, in this year as well. For that reason, I would like to urge all to be vigilant, to oppose the entire enemy’s attempt to divide us, to fight for freedom from repressive rule of the chauvinists in power and to struggle, on all sides, together with fellow oppressed nationalities and democratic forces, until the system of military dictatorship is terminated.
The Just Karen Revolution Shall Triumph Definitely! The Evil Military Clique Shall Fall!
WHEATON, IL. USA. KAREN RESIDENTS CELEBRATE
60TH KAREN REVOLUTIONARY DAY
The KAREN revolutionary stemmed from resistance movement by Karen national. The resistance movement exploded due to some narrowed minded Burman government members who were extremists. They hated Karens because most of the Karens are educated and served under Bitrish administration and loyal to their duties and services. During World War II the flame of Karen-Burman riot spread to nationwide as the fuel was added by some extreme Burman member of BIA (Burma Independent Army) who wanted to eliminate the Karens.
Now-a-day, the Karen revolutionary forces (KNU) are leading and collaborate with other democratic organizations to restore democracy and peace in BURMA. But we are not reach to our goal yet. I don't want people forget about our revolution and our country that is ruled by military dictators. We need to be strong, united and keep up our movement wherever we are even though when facing difficulties and hardships in our struggle.
And I would like to share our 60th Anniversary of the Karen Revolutionary Day celebrated in Wheaton(CHICAGO), IL. USA. Also, I'd like to share the video of 56th Anniversary of the Karen Revolutionary Day. It was celebrated at KNLA 101st Special Force Battalion, Thai-Burma border. The commander of the battalion Lt-Col Saw Paw Doh was one of the members of a convoy that held peace talk with the ousted SPDC prime minister Lt Gen Khin Nyunt in Rangoon. But SPDC and groups were dishonest on peace talks.
I'm KAREN freedom fighter. But I'm fighting for the country and all of our Burmese people who are suffering under Burma's military regime. I'll will fight it neither I dies nor they fail.
All said in any conference, it is " we must united ". This is a very, very good word to spoke out. But, what we're really need to do to be unity. That is HONEST (not HONEY). A real realy HONEST. HONEST is a very very important thing to be UNITED.
